Society, politics and economy in Britain and Ireland (1815–1914)

On 16 August 1819, cavalry charged a peaceful crowd of ~60,000 at St Peter's Field, Manchester, killing 15 and injuring hundreds. The government responded with the repressive Six Acts. Peterloo showed that the ruling class would use violence to defend the unreformed political system and galvanised the reform movement for decades.

A package of repressive legislation passed after Peterloo: restricted public meetings to those with local magistrates' permission, imposed stamp duty on radical newspapers, banned military drilling, increased penalties for seditious writing, and allowed magistrates to search properties for arms. They were intended to silence protest without making political concessions.

1. Universal male suffrage. 2. Vote by secret ballot. 3. Annual Parliaments. 4. Abolition of property qualifications for MPs. 5. Payment of MPs. 6. Equal constituencies. None were achieved during the Chartist period, though five of the six were eventually adopted by the 20th century.

Four main reasons: (1) Internal split between 'moral force' (Lovett — peaceful persuasion) and 'physical force' (O'Connor — threat of violence). (2) The state used repression: arrests, transportation of leaders. (3) Rising living standards from late 1840s reduced economic grievance. (4) Middle-class desertion — they had got what they wanted in 1832. The internal division was probably the most damaging factor.

Peel was converted to free trade by the Anti-Corn Law League (Cobden and Bright) and saw the Irish Famine as making repeal urgent — blocking food imports while people starved was politically and morally indefensible. Repeal split the Conservative Party: Peelites (including Gladstone) eventually joined the Liberals; Disraeli led those who felt betrayed.

About 1 million died and 1 million emigrated during the famine years. By 1900, Ireland's population had halved from ~8 million. The British government's laissez-faire response — slow, inadequate relief while food exports continued — created deep, lasting bitterness and fuelled Irish nationalism. The famine is a key context for the later Irish Home Rule crisis.

1832: Middle-class men (£10 householders in towns and counties). 1867: Urban working-class men (householders paying rates in borough constituencies). 1884–85: Rural working-class men (agricultural labourers given same rights as urban workers). Women remained excluded until 1918/1928.

1832: Tories became Conservatives (Tamworth Manifesto); Whigs became Liberals. Both parties had to build modern organisations to manage large electorates. 1867: Both parties began seriously targeting working-class voters. 1884–85: The Irish Home Rule Party gained enough MPs to hold the balance of power, forcing the Irish Question to dominate politics.

His 1842 Report on the Sanitary Condition of the Labouring Population used statistical data to prove that disease was caused by poor environmental conditions (filth, overcrowding, lack of clean water) — not moral failings. It reframed social reform as a practical, empirical necessity and directly influenced the Public Health Act (1848).

Laissez-faire = the state should not interfere in the economy or social conditions. Collectivism = the state has a duty to improve conditions for citizens. Victorian Britain gradually shifted from the former to the latter — driven by evidence of urban poverty (Chadwick, Booth, Rowntree), the failure of the market during the Irish Famine, and the need for an efficient, healthy workforce. This shift set the foundation for Lloyd George's welfare reforms after 1906.

Factory Acts (1833–1850): limited child labour, 10-hour day for women/children. Poor Law Amendment Act (1834): workhouse system. Public Health Acts (1848, 1875): clean water, sewage, housing standards. Education Act (1870): board schools created state elementary education. Education Act (1880): compulsory schooling to age 10. Collectively, they marked the state taking responsibility for working-class welfare for the first time.

Key factors: (1) The ruling class was willing to make concessions — 1832 act prevented the crisis that triggered continental revolutions. (2) Chartism's third petition (1848) failed but the movement was peaceful. (3) Economic conditions in Britain, while bad, were less extreme than in France. (4) A tradition of parliamentary reform provided a legitimate channel for grievances. (5) The safety-valve of emigration. Britain's flexible oligarchy conceded just enough to prevent collapse.

The idea that Conservatives should use moderate social reform to bind the classes together under the Crown — preventing class conflict while preserving the social hierarchy. Key reforms: Public Health Act (1875), Artisans' Dwellings Act (1875), Trade Union Act (1875).

Ninety-three Liberal MPs voted against it, defeating it 343–313. These rebels — called Liberal Unionists — allied with the Conservatives, splitting the Liberal Party and keeping it out of power for most of the next decade.

Fair rent (set by a land court), Fixity of tenure (security for tenants who paid their rent), and Free sale (tenants could sell their right to occupy the land).

A budget that raised income tax, introduced a 'supertax' on high earners, and taxed land values — to fund old age pensions and naval rearmament. It was controversial because the House of Lords rejected it, violating the convention that the Lords did not block finance bills.

It permanently removed the Lords' power to block money bills, reduced their veto on other legislation to a two-year delay, and cut the maximum parliamentary term from seven to five years. It ended aristocratic dominance of British politics.

Suffragists (NUWSS, led by Millicent Fawcett) used peaceful, law-abiding methods: petitions and meetings. Suffragettes (WSPU, led by Emmeline Pankhurst) used militant tactics: window-smashing, arson and hunger strikes. 'Deeds not words' was the WSPU slogan.

The Prisoners (Temporary Discharge for Ill-Health) Act 1913. It allowed the government to release suffragette hunger strikers when they became too ill, then re-arrest them once they recovered — avoiding the bad publicity of force-feeding while preventing martyrdom.

British army officers based at the Curragh in Ireland threatened to resign rather than enforce Home Rule on Ulster. It mattered because it showed the government might not be able to use its own army to implement the Home Rule Act — a fundamental threat to state authority.

An agreement between the miners' union, the railwaymen's union and the transport workers' union to support each other in industrial disputes. It alarmed employers and the government because a combined strike by all three would paralyse the British economy.

1) Social surveys (Booth, Rowntree) proved poverty was structural, not personal. 2) The Boer War showed 40% of recruits were too unhealthy to fight — a national efficiency crisis. 3) The rise of Labour threatened Liberal working-class votes, pushing Liberals to offer more.

Salisbury was a firm Unionist — he opposed all Home Rule and believed Ireland must remain within the United Kingdom. He allied with Liberal Unionists after 1886 and dominated Conservative politics from the 1880s to 1902, blocking any Irish self-government.

Gladstone believed in 'retrenchment' — minimal state spending and non-interference. His reforms were mainly constitutional and religious (disestablishment, land reform). Lloyd George actively expanded the state, used taxation to fund welfare, and accepted state responsibility for the poor — a fundamentally different philosophy.